Now Trump has forced the world to confront racial division in the US

Powered by article titled “Now Trump has forced the world to confront racial division in the US” was written by Mary Dejevsky, for on Wednesday 16th August 2017 11.31 UTC

The contrast could hardly be starker. On 20 January, the first black president of the United States left the White House with his family for the last time – his departure as symbolic as his arrival had been eight years before. By mid-August of the same year, his successor, Donald Trump, is caught between what is required of the leader of a civilised country in the 21st century – let alone a country that has cast itself as the leader of the free world – and his combative instincts as an American of a certain tradition to say things as he sees them. If anyone needed proof that the race issue in the United States remains raw and divisive, here it was.

Confronted with clashes in an American college town between protesters brandishing Confederate flags, Ku Klux Klan insignia and even swastikas and their anti-racist opponents, clashes in which a car was used as a weapon and a civil rights activist was killed, clashes moreover that the forces of law and order were insufficient, or unwilling, to halt, the president offered a response that fell short by so much as to unleash critics of his fitness for office all over again.

It was not hard to figure out what he needed to say, at least as an initial response. Yet his first response was to say nothing. His second was to declare both sides equally to blame. His third response – heavily scripted – was to condemn racists, white supremacists and the Ku Klux Klan (was that so hard?), before returning 24 hours later to the “both sides behaved badly” theme. In the end, the US was presenting a face to the world that exemplified the sort of moral equivalence and ambiguity that it has traditionally deplored in others.

The most contentious moments from Trump’s latest press conference – video

Suffice it to say that it is not how many, probably most, in his own country, or even his own Republican party saw what happened. The likes of John McCain – yes, that awkward, principled senator again – were quite clear in their condemnation. American second world war veterans spoke of their part in the fight against nazism. The Trump Tower press conference showed the president duelling – no less – with mainstream journalists, who challenged his every word live on television.

Even the relatively new secretary general of the United Nations, António Guterres, weighed in with a statement that did what any post-civil rights era president of the US should have known how to do: condemn any manifestation of racism, immediately and unambiguously, out of hand. “Racism, xenophobia, antisemitism, Islamophobia are poisoning our societies,” he said on Twitter. “We must stand up against them. Every time. Everywhere.” What, you have to ask, is so hard about saying (and believing) that?

At which point is it worth asking what has driven Trump’s equivocation on Charlottesville and how can, or should, US allies respond? Already there are those arguing that this will prove a turning point at which the US president showed his true colours and lost all claim to moral authority, at home and abroad. I doubt this – for two reasons.

Abroad, it must be questionable how much moral authority, if any, Trump wields at all. You can contest the longstanding US boast that it stands up for universal values, a boast that lays it open to accusations of double standards – but Trump has never actually boasted that. Indeed, he has expressly dissociated himself from the idea that the US would tell other countries how to organise themselves. It may be we Europeans who are finding it hard to adjust to a US leader who does not see himself, or perhaps even his country, as a beacon for the free world.

The swastikas being paraded in Charlottesville had immediate resonance in Europe, where the German chancellor, Angela Merkel, was first to condemn what happened, swiftly followed by Theresa May. But both stopped short of condemning Trump other than by implication, May’s spokesman saying that his words were “a matter for him”. The scenes beamed around the world from Charlottesville and Trump’s reaction, however, will make it even harder than it already was for European countries to host the US president in future. That promised UK state visit looks an even more distant prospect.

But there is another aspect of this episode that should not be neglected. The progress of civil rights and the election of Barack Obama have perhaps obscured the extent to which race remains a running sore in the US and how far the civil war remains unresolved in parts of the south. What precipitated the clashes at Charlottesville was the proposed removal of a statue of a Confederate hero, Robert E Lee. Monuments, like flags, can be incendiary – as they are in Northern Ireland and elsewhere where history is contested. It would be far too generous to Trump to suggest that this awareness dictated his equivocal reaction. But these events should invite all those who believe that the US has largely overcome its racial divisions to take another look.

• Mary Dejevsky is a writer and broadcaster © Guardian News & Media Limited 2010

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Haryana Govt.invites expression of interest from corporate, business houses, organisations and individuals for ‘Adopt a Home’ programme



The Haryana Government has invited expression of interest from corporate, business houses, organisations and individuals registered under the Companies Act, 2013 and who are eligible under section 135 of the Act for ‘Adopt a Home’ programme launched by Union Ministry of Women and Child Development to provide support to children staying in children homes in Yamunanagar district set up under the Juvenile Justice (Care and Protection) Act, 2015.

Senior officers of the Women and Child Development Department said that the focus areas would be upgrading physical infrastructure of children homes and providing facilities for proper housing for children including proper bedding, LCD or LED for entertainment, lockers, cupboards, chairs and tables in dormitories, coolers, RO for clean drinking water, necessary kitchen equipment and utensils, washing machines and other equipment for bathrooms and toilets, home sanitation and cleaning tools.

Also the emphasis would be on  a room for functioning of Child Welfare Committees, solid and liquid waste management for kitchen and rooms, providing non-formal, remedial education and vocational training  to enable the children to be part of society, sponsoring higher education for those in need after 18 years of age, financial literacy and inclusion in financial services, arranging loans and tool kits for employment, support for health care in children homes, palliative child care detoxification and treatment for substances abuse, HIV/AIDS treatment and psycho-social and economic support during natural disasters.

Facilities of rain harvesting, solar energy, sports equipment and auditorium for the use of cultural activities, dramatics, rehearsal, presentations, performing arts, learning space and art galleries would also be provided.

Interested persons or organisations can contact the District Programme Officer, Women and Child Development, Arjun Nagar near Gurudwara, Jagadhri, district Yamunanagar, phone number 01732-220588 or District Child Protection Officer, SCO-1 30 P, first floor, Sector-17, HUDA, Jagadhri, phone number 01732-237050. More details can be accessed on the website

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Republicans denounce bigotry after Trump’s latest Charlottesville remarks


Powered by article titled “Republicans denounce bigotry after Trump’s latest Charlottesville remarks” was written by Ben Jacobs in Washington, for on Wednesday 16th August 2017 11.52 UTC

Senior Republicans have lambasted Donald Trump after he once again drew a moral equivalency between the far right and counter-demonstrators during the deadly violence in Charlottesville on Saturday.

But some elected Republican officials responded to an extraordinary press conference in Trump Tower on Tuesday night by denouncing bigotry, in signs of a possible rift in the party.

No elected Republican officials went so far as to defend Trump outright after he insisted that not all of those participating in a Unite the Right protest against the removal of a statue of Robert E Lee were neo-Nazis or white supremacists.

After giving an apparently reluctant statement denouncing racism as evil on Monday, the US president reverted to his original response to the clashes on Tuesday, blaming both sides for the violence, during which a civil rights activist died.

What happened in Charlottesville on 12 August?

White nationalists gathered in Charlottesville, Virginia, to protest against a plan to remove a statue of Robert E. Lee, the Confederacy’s top general in the American civil war.


Demonstrators chanted racist statements, carried antisemitic placards and held torches during the  “Unite the Right” rally, which was organised by white nationalist Jason Kessler.


The march was met by anti-fascist demonstrators, and some skirmishes broke out before James Fields, 20, allegedly ploughed a car into a group of counter-demonstrators.


Civil rights activist Heather Heyer, 32, died and others were injured. Fields has been charged with murder.


“I’m not putting anybody on a moral plane,” Trump said. “You had a group on one side and group on the other and they came at each other with clubs – there is another side, you can call them the left, that came violently attacking the other group. You had people that were very fine people on both sides.”

The divide between those willing to condemn Trump by name and those who did not mirrored the Republican response to the president’s infamous comments on the Access Hollywood tape, far more than other controversies that have swarmed around the president.

John McCain was among those to criticize Trump by name. The Arizona senator tweeted:

His sentiments were echoed by one of Trump’s rival Republican presidential candidates, Jeb Bush, who said: “This is a time for moral clarity, not ambivalence. I urge President Trump to unite the country, not parse the assignment of blame for the events in Charlottesville.

“For the sake of our country, he must leave no room for doubt that racism and hatred will not be tolerated or ignored by his White House.”

Mitt Romney, the party’s nominee in 2012, said the president was wrong to blame “many sides”, tweeting:

Steve Stivers of Ohio, head of the national Republican congressional committee, which is responsible for keeping Republican control of the House, vented:

His Senate counterpart, Cory Gardner of Colorado, said of Trump at a town hall: “What he did today goes back on what he said yesterday and that’s unacceptable. The president was wrong to do that.”

Senator Marco Rubio of Florida also called out Trump, tweeting: “Mr President, you can’t allow #WhiteSupremacists to share only part of blame. They support idea which cost nation & world so much pain.”

How Donald Trump emboldened the US far right

Congressmen Pat Tiberi of Ohio and Justin Amash of Michigan were among others who tweeted their disapproval, and congressman Will Hurd of Texas told CNN Trump should apologise for his statements.

However, many in Trump’s party restrained themselves from criticizing the president by name. The two top Republicans in the House of Representatives offered broad criticisms of bigotry. Speaker Paul Ryan tweeted:

Majority leader Kevin McCarthy tweeted: “Saturday’s violence and tragic loss of life was a direct consequence of the hateful rhetoric & action from white supremacists demonstrating.”

Ryan has been critical of Trump in the past. During the 2016 election he said comments Trump made about federal judge Gustavo Curiel were “the textbook definition of a racist comment”. But the Wisconsin Republican said he would still vote for Trump at the time.

Congressman Lee Zeldin of New York went further, telling Newsday: “These two sides are not equal. They are different. I would add, though, that it is not right to suggest that President Trump is wrong for acknowledging the fact that criminals on both sides showed up for the purpose of being violent. That particular observation is completely true.”

Three UN human rights experts issued a statement on Wednesday seeking an independent investigation into the deadly events in Charlottesville. The experts said they were “deeply concerned at the proliferation and increasing prominence of organized hate and racist groups” in the US, insisting that racist hate speech “must be unequivocally condemned.”

There was one GOP defender of the president. Former professional pundit and RNC spokesperson Kayleigh McEnany tweeted:

Trump’s press conference also drew praise from David Duke, the former grand wizard of the Ku Klux Klan, who was one of the protesters in Charlottesville on Saturday. Duke tweeted: “Thank you President Trump for your honesty & courage to tell the truth about #Charlottesville & condemn the leftist terrorists in BLM/Antifa.”

The president’s remarks were, according to senior aides who spoke anonymously to CNN and NBC, not planned, and surprised members of his staff who had hoped he would stick to the topic of infrastructure.

At the site where the civil rights activist Heather Heyer died in downtown Charlottesville, mounds of flowers and chalked messages of remembrance now fan out on the road. Many who had gathered on Tuesday night said they had come to expect such divisive, off the cuff remarks.

Diane Townes, a 62-year-old African American working in education, said the comments were another example of Trump “shaming the victims”. “Pouting and blaming is not the way to show an example to young people,” she said. “He opened the gateway to this with his own gestures during the campaign.”

Mike Townes, Diane’s son, had heard the comments on the radio minutes before arriving at the memorial site. “I’m actually glad he’s saying it,” he said. “It is showing this country who he truly is. He represents the people who came to my community as supremacists. David Duke was right about him.”

Eric Gilchrist, another mourner at the memorial, said: “We know that he is selfish and vain, but now I worry he is a sociopath, too. He needs to leave office.” © Guardian News & Media Limited 2010

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Prana Violet Healing Affirmations–latest

Here are the links to access the latest versions of the Prana Violet Healing Affirmations





Thank you, Siva P

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India after partition – then and now

Powered by article titled “India after partition – then and now” was written by Matt Fidler and Agence France-Presse, for on Tuesday 15th August 2017 12.13 UTC

The partition of India led to one of the largest mass migrations in modern history, with millions seeking sanctuary from violence in ancient tombs and forts, which were transformed into sprawling refugee camps.

More than 15 million people were displaced after India gained independence from Britain in 1947, with Muslims heading towards the newly formed Pakistan as Hindus and Sikhs moved in the opposite direction.

New Delhi

Queen’s Road near Lothian Bridge

Queen’s Road near Lothian Bridge in New Delhi

Shacks where refugee families lived on a pavement along Queen’s Road near Lothian Bridge in September 1950, and an auto rickshaw on the same road in June 2017.
Photographs: Indian Ministry of Information and Broadcasting/Prakash Singh/AFP


Chowk Bijli Wala

Chowk Bijli Wala area of Amristar

Indian soldiers walk through the debris of a building in the Chowk Bijli Wala area in August 1947, and a bustling scene at the same location in June 2017.
Photographs: Stringer/Narinder Nanu/AFP

New Delhi

Kamla Market

Kamla Market in New Delhi

A few people gather in Kamla Market in November 1951, and traders pile up their wares at the same location in June 2017.
Photographs: Indian Ministry of Information and Broadcasting/Prakash Singh/AFP

New Delhi

Humayun’s Tomb

Humayun’s Tomb in New Delhi

Displaced Muslims camp in front of the tomb in around 1947, and a man and a woman explore the same location in June 2017.
Photographs: Indian Ministry of Information and Broadcasting/Prakash Singh/AFP


Khalsa College

Khalsa College in Amritsar

Sikhs eat at a relief camp in around 1947 following unrest during the partition, and labourers have lunch at the same location in June 2017.
Photographs: Stringer/Narinder Nanu/AFP


Katra Jaimal Singh

Katra Jaimal Singh area of Amritsar

A destroyed building in the Katra Jaimal Singh area in August 1947, and a busy street full of shops and adverts in June 2017.
Photographs: Stringer/Narinder Nanu/AFP

New Delhi

Humayun’s Tomb

Humayun’s Tomb, New Delhi

A view of a refugee camp near the tomb, and the same grounds empty of people in June 2017.
Photographs: Indian Ministry of Information and Broadcasting/Prakash Singh/AFP

Humayun’s Tomb, New Delhi

Muslim boys look out from their camp in front of the tomb in around 1947, and the tomb pictured in June 2017.
Photographs: Indian Ministry of Information and Broadcasting/Prakash Singh/AFP

New Delhi

Minto Bridge

Minto Bridge, New Dellhi

Displaced Muslims including a family on a cart pass under Minto Bridge on their way to camps at Purana Qila and Humayun’s Tomb, and somewhat heavier traffic at the same location in June 2017.
Photographs: Indian Ministry of Information and Broadcasting/Prakash Singh/AFP © Guardian News & Media Limited 2010

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I am saddened by the current state of affairs…..


Being a Hindu and above all an Indian, I am saddened by the current state of affairs.

A statement made by a former Vice- President who demitted office recently is being made such a great issue.Instead of trying to understand what is being conveyed, we are attacking not only the person but his forefathers too.

Granted that the world is being terrorised by hardliners of a particular religion but is it ethical to paint everyone and everything with the same brush.

Granted there have been no communal riots in the country for some time now but we are facing an even more scary situation_ lynching.And there is no punishment for the perpetrators.Is it justified?

We are faced with the same problems as before—rising prices, unemployment, bad infrastructure, power and water shortages, corruption and so on.

Our laws need to be updated and new laws made in view of the rapidly changing economic structure. Nothing is being done about it.

We have suffered through terrorism in Punjab in the 80s and 90s but again the nation is falling into the same trap of being divided on the basis of religion.

I am sorry if my thinking has hurt anyone.

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71st Independence Day Celebrations – PM’s address to the Nation – LIVE from the Red Fort

(Courtesy Doordarshan)



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The Guardian view on India at 70: democracy in action

Powered by article titled “The Guardian view on India at 70: democracy in action” was written by Editorial, for The Guardian on Monday 14th August 2017 19.01 UTC

When the British departed from the subcontinent 70 years ago, the most appropriate epitaph was probably provided by an Indian official who remarked: “You British believe in fair play. You have left India in the same condition of chaos as you found it.” The months that followed the partitioning of British India seemed to confirm the nature of the gift of independence. The subcontinent endured a lawless, bloody anarchy that encompassed some of the 20th century’s greatest migrations and crimes. Born in blood were two newly created nations of mostly-Hindu India, and Pakistan, a Muslim homeland in south Asia, as well as about 500 feudal autocracies, which ranged from princely states – some as large as a European nation – to village-sized chiefdoms. When the British predicted there would be many more partitions, it was because the former colonial masters thought “no one can make a nation out of a continent of many nations”.

In Pakistan, that forecast came partly true, thanks largely because of an attempt to impose a single language – Urdu – on its most populous province, East Bengal. By 1971, after a civil war in which India played a part in stoking, Pakistan had been cleaved in two. The unfinished business of princely states remains: continuing revolts – in Pakistan’s Baluchistan, India’s Kashmir and Manipur – are rooted in identities distinct from the nations that swallowed them up. However, gloomy prophecies of fragmentation have been proved wrong decade after decade in India despite the poverty and diversity. It is perhaps India’s greatest achievement that one-sixth of humanity now cast their votes regularly in free and fair elections.

Unlike democracy in the west where voters first had to be rich men, then adult men and later women, India’s democracy came into being peacefully in 1951 with its first general election where every citizen – irrespective of gender, caste, creed, religion, occupation, wealth or level of literacy – got to vote. It is also a democracy where the military have been confined to their barracks in peacetime. Almost alone in the non-western world – barring a brief interruption in 1975 – India has clung doggedly to its democratic convictions. Voting is only one part of a liberal democracy. India’s noble aim of political equality is undermined by a creaking criminal justice system, flagrant interference in its public institutions and the inability to eliminate large-scale political corruption. Freedom of expression, necessary for true democracy, does not exist in full measure. India is a land of taboos where almost every fundamentalist – be it religious, linguistic or regional – can call for books to be banned or film sets burned. That India was the first country to ban the Satanic Verses is a blot on its democracy.

Indians were once in academia described as Homo Hierarchicus, a species of human who most intensely practised inequality. This in-built discrimination chained Dalits and women for centuries. India’s laws abolished untouchability and made men equal to women, yet in practice violence and prejudice continue. Thanks to casteism and bigotry against India’s tribal peoples, the country is home to the world’s largest slave population. However, we can see examples of everyday equality between people in India. The link between a person’s occupation and their caste is weakening, thanks in part to the world’s biggest affirmative action programme. There’s also evidence that women are choosing their own spouses, a big shift in a nation where marriage was seen as a contract between families.

In an Asian century, India has long been considered as a democratic counterweight to its larger authoritarian neighbour, China. Last year India’s economy grew faster than China’s, although alarming pollution levels suggest Delhi risks making many of Beijing’s mistakes. Worryingly, Indian and Chinese troops have in recent weeks been engaged in a tense Himalayan standoff. But India’s biggest threat is internal. Prime Minister Narendra Modi is an impressive politician but he also runs a government backed by rightwing Hindu extremists who condone and actively support violence against minorities, especially Muslims. Like its less-peopled cousin, the European Union, India works because no single culture or language is central to its identity or mandatory for unity. Mr Modi seems to want fundamental changes in India’s pluralistic democracy – and not for the better. The quest for equality and the rule of law have shown impressive resilience in India, but they are under threat from within. © Guardian News & Media Limited 2010

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In limbo for 70 years, stateless West Pakistani families bear scars of partition

Powered by article titled “In limbo for 70 years, stateless West Pakistani families bear scars of partition” was written by Michael Safi in Jammu, for The Guardian on Monday 14th August 2017 06.33 UTC

The scrubby lowlands of Jammu are stuck between the Himalayas and the dusty plains of Punjab, and home to 19,000 families stuck in time. West Pakistan no longer exists on world maps, but in the north Indian state of Jammu and Kashmir, clustered in poor villages along the Tawi river, there are still West Pakistanis.

Like at least 14 million others, they fled their homes during the hasty British retreat from India in 1947, when the division of the subcontinent into one Hindu-majority country and another Muslim-dominated triggered religious violence.

Unlike those millions, the West Pakistanis and their descendants are still officially refugees: citizens of India but stateless inside its borders, barred from local government jobs, colleges and welfare, and unable to buy property or take out loans. They are living embodiments of the lingering scars of partition, 70 years on.

Map: Pakistan/India border

“My home village is 8km from here, in Pakistan,” says Melu Ram, perched on a woven cot outside his concrete house on the outskirts of Jammu city.

A sheet of paper nearby attests that he is a West Pakistan refugee. He has lived in India for seven decades. In West Pakistan – now just called Pakistan after the country’s eastern wing became Bangladesh in 1971 – he spent just a few horrifying days.

“We had to leave our houses on 15 August 1947,” Ram remembers. The day before, Pakistan had come into existence. “The violence against Hindus started that evening,” he says.

Empty handed, wearing only a shirt and lungi, Ram, his mother and sisters took shelter with other Hindu families in a nearby village. His father had fled to India earlier, carrying their most important possessions in a trunk. His grandfather, too frail to make the journey, stayed behind.

“He was not touched,” Ram says. “But our valuables, cows, and clothes were taken by our neighbours and other villagers.”

Others among the Hindu refugees were less fortunate. “Families had chopped limbs, their noses had been cut off, or their breasts. Many male family members were killed,” he says.

He saw similar violence once the family crossed the river into Jammu, Indian territory. “I have walked on dead bodies,” says Ram, 86, his cloudy eyes widening.

“Whoever tried to cross from Pakistan was killed. Muslims killed Hindus. And hearing the stories of those who migrated from West Pakistan, people already living here became angry. Mobs from Hindu villages started killing Muslims.”

Ram joined the column of refugees gradually making their way south through Jammu and Kashmir state towards Punjab. Trailing them on the path was a man known as the “Lion of Kashmir”. Sheikh Abdullah, a towering politician, was by then running an emergency administration in the state.

“He was going from here to the Punjab border, motivating those migrating towards the relief camps in Punjab to stay here,” Ram says. “He assured our family and other migrants that the land was empty, no one was cultivating it, and we should remain.”

Ram and his family made the decision to turn back to Jammu. “I regret it more than anything,” he says.

Jammu and Kashmir is a unique Indian state. It maintains its own flag and constitution. Successive wars have left it divided between Pakistan, India and China. It is India’s only Muslim-majority state. Most crucially for refugees from West Pakistan, when the state’s leaders agreed to join the Indian union in 1947, they demanded special guarantees of autonomy – including to restrict other Indians from becoming citizens of the state.

Its relationship with the rest of India is still uneasy. In the northern Kashmir region, separatist movements and armed militias have fought for 30 years to join Pakistan or become independent. Central governments in Delhi have also spent decades eroding the state’s political autonomy.

In this combustible atmosphere, no state government has shown an appetite for integrating hundreds of thousands of overwhelmingly Hindu refugees.

Among the cruelest consequences of the limbo West Pakistanis inhabit is that it also extends to their children. Roop Lal was 15 when he discovered he was a refugee in the country where he was born and had lived his entire life.

“I was not allowed to apply for scholarships for my last years of schooling. I asked my parents why. They said we were West Pakistanis,” he remembers.

Until a recent legal change, any woman he married would also have become a refugee, surrendering her state citizenship. “We don’t get daughters for marriage from permanent residents,” he says.

Several times, families have approached him to marry their daughters. “Later they learn about my status, and the engagements are broken off. It often happens,” he says.

No West Pakistanis own their homes. Many live on the properties of Muslims who were killed or fled Jammu in 1947, which they rent from the government for a token sum.

Moving elsewhere is a constant temptation. Lal and the estimated 19,960 West Pakistan families living in Jammu are Indian citizens, and in a state without autonomous status would be granted their complete rights.

“A few of my relatives are in Punjab,” he says. “There the tag of West Pakistani is forgotten. Only we are still called that. But we have established our house, our social circle here. We don’t have the finances to move, or anywhere to live there. We’ve been here for 70 years.”

Perversely, just as in 1947, politicians continue to encourage West Pakistanis to stay. “Every election, the central government and local politicians of all parties assure us we will soon get our rights,” says Labha Ram Gandhi, the president of the West Pakistan Refugee Action Committee.

“It’s due to these hollow assurances we’ve been suffering. If they just told us clearly we would get no rights, we’d have thought otherwise about staying.”

The fate of the refugees is front-page news again. India’s supreme court is hearing arguments in favour of scrapping Jammu and Kashmir’s political autonomy. In Delhi, the official position of the Hindu nationalist government of Narendra Modi is also for extinguishing the state’s special status.

Gandhi met Modi last year. He says he begged the prime minister to move his community en masse to other states. “He told me, you have a duty to stay. You are living on the border areas with Pakistan. If you shift, these areas will become abandoned.”

In 1979, West Pakistanis protested for their citizenship by trying to cross the border back into Pakistan. They were stopped by Indian troops. Nearly four decades later, Gandhi is threatening another dramatic step. “We are hopeful about this government,” he says. “But if they fail to fulfil our wishes, we will take up arms.”

On the outskirts of Jammu, Melu Ram is watching his grandchildren arrive home from school. They are still too young to know they are different from their classmates. He hopes never to have to tell them. “Before my last breath I want to see my children getting their rights,” he says. “That’s my only desire.” © Guardian News & Media Limited 2010

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World Laparoscopy Hospital: Most Modern Robotic Surgery Center of India

World Laparoscopy Hospital Offers Advanced Minimally Access Surgery with da Vinci Robotic Technology


Laparoscopy, a small incision surgical diagnostic procedure is a minimally invasive surgery regarded as diagnostic laparoscopy or keyhole surgery. As a form of a surgical procedure comprising the use of a thin, lighted tube and camera for visuals inserted into the belly to identify and examine the abdominal or female pelvic organs, it is one that requires precision and perfection.

World Laparoscopy Hospital (WLH), one of the most modern hospitals of minimal access surgery in Asia committed to excellence in advanced medical care, surgical procedures, research and professionalism in patient care offers one of the most modern and technologically improved facility for minimally invasive surgery available in the World with its advanced laparoscopic surgery and da Vinci Robotic Surgery by Four arm High Definition- da Vinci Surgical Robot.

Robotic surgery has excellently transformed laparoscopic surgical treatments as the Robotic devices offer the surgeon unprecedented control, dexterity and precision from the surgical instruments employed during minimally invasive procedures. The da Vinci Product is a state-of-the-art surgical platform with 3D, high-definition vision and miniaturized, wristed surgical instruments designed to help doctors take surgery past the limits of the human hand as with traditional surgery.
Expanding the frontiers of surgery by Da Vinci Robot”

— Dr R K Mishra
The improved robotic technologically-infused procedure, da Vinci allows surgeons to perform complex conditions with ease and minimal risk and also providing patients with benefits of minimal postoperative pain, fast recovery resulting to shorter hospital stay, better cosmetic effects and physiologic function.

World Laparoscopy Hospital boasts of excellent and highly skilled surgeons, practitioners and staff who are committed to providing the best minimal access surgical care alongside traditional surgery in line with best practices. The medical institution’s significant and ongoing experience in performing minimally invasive general surgery is excelled by surgeons who provide evaluation and treatment for a wide range of general surgical conditions.

The Medical Institution, WLH has successfully carried out surgical treatments implementing the da Vinci Robotic Surgical System in surgeries such as gastrointestinal laparoscopic surgery, cardiac surgery, thoracic surgery, neurosurgery, urologic surgery, orthopaedic procedures, and gynaecologic procedures.

By expanding the frontiers of surgery via cutting edge research, World Laparoscopy Hospital achieves excellence and notability for its super-specialized laparoscopic surgery, Surgery by India’s first super specialist master laparoscopic surgeon, years of reputed surgical experience of nursing care, World class health care facilities at an affordable rate to mention a few.

About WLH

World Laparoscopy Hospital is a non-profit super speciality academic and medical institute that integrates clinical and hospital care with research and education in Minimal Access Surgery. With one of its core values in research contributing to the advancement of new surgical techniques and instrumentation, WLH continues to advance with its successful treatments, fellowship and continued medical education training.

Media Contact

Dr J S Chowhan
World Laparoscopy Hospital
email us here



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The new vegan: Meera Sodha’s recipe for chargrilled summer vegetables with a cumin and coriander dressing

Powered by article titled “The new vegan: Meera Sodha’s recipe for chargrilled summer vegetables with a cumin and coriander dressing” was written by Meera Sodha, for The Guardian on Saturday 12th August 2017 08.30 UTC

In A Historical Dictionary Of Indian Food (Oxford University Press), by KT Achaya, there is no entry under salad. For such a rich and varied food culture, this feels like a mistake, but there’s a truth behind it: the quality of produce and water in India has always been variable, so it’s not possible just to wash a few leaves before eating them.

This has resulted in a cuisine that has written salad out of the equation, as shown by my grandma’s reaction to any dish of tender vegetables that still have a bit of bite: she condemns them as “kacha-paka”, or half-cooked, a verdict delivered with a look of disdain and a wrinkled nose.

But times are changing. Consumers are demanding more choice and salads are gaining a place at the table. There’s a lot of ground to make up, though, and I often wonder what future Indian salads might look like. Will they be similar to those of Vietnam, ear-ticklingly hot but deliciously sweet and sour? Could chana saag curry one day be just chickpeas and spinach? Could chutney be repurposed as dressing, to bind fresh vegetables together?

Today’s dish is such an imagining, using some of summer’s most exciting produce alongside India’s most notorious spice duo: cumin and coriander, or dhana-jeera. Cumin, with its brooding flavours of earth and smoke, is balanced by coriander’s light, citrussy, happy-go-lucky character. They are used with abandon in everyday curries, and in ratios that are the topic of much debate. Here, they get a fresh lease of life, and the result is smoky, sweet, crisp and lip-tingling – and perhaps a taste of India’s future.


Chargrilled summer vegetables with dhana-jeera dressing


You can cook this salad on a barbecue or on a griddle pan. The timings are for a griddle pan, so if you’re cooking on coals or wood, cook the vegetables until tender. Use only fresh, strong-smelling spices: if you can’t smell anything, the dressing won’t taste of much. Serves four.

Rapeseed oil
¾ tsp salt
1¼ tsp ground cumin
1½ tsp ground coriander
¾ tsp chilli powder
2 tbsp lemon juice
2 courgettes
300g Tenderstem broccoli
2 red onions, peeled
2 corn cobs

First make the dressing. Put four tablespoons of oil in small bowl, add the salt, cumin, coriander, chilli and lemon, whisk with a fork to combine and set aside.

Cut the courgettes lengthways into 0.5cm-thick slices. Trim the broccoli, and break bigger branches into individual stems. Peel the husks and silks from the corn and cut the onions into eighths. (If griddling, separate the onions into “petals”.)

Heat a griddle on a high flame. Brush all the vegetables all over with oil, and dunk the broccoli in oil, so the fronds are coated. When the pan is very hot, lay in the courgettes in a single layer and grill for two minutes on each side, until pleasingly striped, then transfer to a platter.

Grill the onions for five minutes, until soft and blackened, then place on top of the courgettes. Grill the broccoli for 90 seconds to three minutes: you want to cook the stems without burning the fronds, so use tongs to press them down; you could also add a splash of water to create some steam, which will help cook them. Once the broccoli is tender, place it on top of the onion.

Now for the corn, which I like to cook directly over a flame on the hob. Using tongs, hold the cob over a medium flame and rotate every 30 seconds or so, when the kernels start to blister and char: each cob will take around five minutes.

When the corn is cool enough to handle, stand it up in a bowl and, keeping a sharp knife close to the core, cut down the length of the cob to shuck the kernels. Scatter these on top of the salad, whisk the dressing again, pour over the top and gently toss to coat. Serve warm or at room temperature. © Guardian News & Media Limited 2010

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